Conversion and the transformation of culture in the Finnish Pentecostal movement

A religious community is composed of and by its members. It both transforms and reflects their styles. This article argues that a crucial aspect of cultural change is the process of identitymaking through personal experience. In the development of any evangelical religious movement its second and third generations are especially important as they have a different experience of, and identification with, their religion than does the first generation. The Finnish Pente costal movement has changed from being a radical to a more moderate movement because it has evolved in step with its members’ socialization. Based on my fieldwork and research I want to emphasise this difference between the experiences of the first and subsequent generations in explaining how a religious movement changes.


Introduction
The Finnish Pentecostal movement (Helluntai herätys) has a long history as a movement of the lower classes, and during that history it has been a relatively radical sect. As the second and subsequent generations of Pentecostals have experienced notable social upward mobility as a consequence of gener ational shifts and societal development however, the movement is now leaning towards middleclass posi tions and cultural styles, and can now be described as a relatively moderate denomination. Nevertheless, Pentecostalism in Finland in large part still attracts converts from the lower classes, and fosters radi cal Christianity within. This division between the converted lowerclass and socialized middleclass members is manifested in many of the issues asso ciated with the movement and its congregations, for ex ample, in the division between radical and moder ate, and in the various styles of religiosity and culture of which it is comprised.
In a situation like this one might expect those members who feel that there is a mismatch between their status and the style of the church to leave the church, or switch to other groups. This statusmatch hypothesis is supported by, for example, Rodney Stark and Charles Glock (1968), Jon P. Alston (1971), Robert H. Lauer (1975), and Frank Newport (1979). An alternative approach has been suggested by Darren E. Sherkat (1991) and Sherkat and John Wilson (1995), who state that not all who experience statusmismatch will change their religious group. A person is likely to stay in the group and change it from within if they have, for example, strong social ties to the group and its culture.
According to Rodney Stark and William Sims Bainbridge (1985), the generational shift is an im port ant factor in determining how a movement changes from a sect into a denomination or church. They claim that the second generation will tend to be closer to the societal mean and will experience less tension with the outside world in comparison with the first. Of great importance for secondgeneration members is how the group culture will change over time. Moreover, on the basis on my research, I would agree that if the peers of a church member are experi encing the same social mobility and style change, it is more likely that they will stay in the group, even in the midst of cultural plurality and competing styles. Therefore the aspect of peersupport should not be overlooked.
In her research, Margaret M. Poloma (1989;Poloma and Green 2010) has analysed the change of the Pentecostal denomination called the Assemblies of God from, for example, the viewpoints of leader ship and Thomas O'Dea's famous theory of the dilemmas of institutionalization (1961). In her works, Poloma has analysed the change from sect to denomination. Although she found that the groups of converted and socialized members differed in many aspects, she didn't examine this divide in full detail. Some of her findings do not seem to support the notion of a separation between radical and mod erate Pentecostals between these groups. For example she found that 'converted and socialized adherents have a similar orientation towards evangelistic out reach' (Poloma 1989: 146-55). Since Poloma has not looked in detail at the radical/moderate question, no certain response can be given here in terms of a pos sible contradiction with the results of my research.
One explanation could lie in the difference between Finnish and American cultures, and the social norm of 'normal' conduct. A Finn is less likely to be socially extrovert than an American, hence the differ ent understanding of what is 'normal' . Moreover the meaning of what it is to be a radical or a moderate differs between cultures.
There has been a range of research projects under taken on how sects transform into churches or denominations. Bryan R. Wilson (1990: 105-27) lists 'the principal determinants of sectarian evolution' as 'stance, structure, and orientation…; the implications of styles of leadership…; the character of organiza tion; and the quality of denominational distinctive ness' . Roy Wallis (1975) has emphasized the role of leadership in differentiating the ideology as unique in the transformation of cult to sect.
In this article, I claim that a crucial factor in the transformation of a religious group is the generational shift and the respective differences across the gener ations in identitymaking through religious experi ences. Perceiving this dynamic will help us to under stand how a religious group changes. Furthermore, it reveals how people find their social positions. My aim is first to show the connection between conver sion experiences and decisions leading to different styles of religiosity and different social positions within the cultural framework and the context of group boundaries. Second, my aim is to demon strate how this connection explains how it is that the Finnish Pentecostal movement, especially in the case of the larger congregations, has changed from being a lowerclass sect to a middleclass denomination.
The mode and style of doing religion in Finn ish Pentecostalism has been, as is common to Pente costalisms around the world, a popular folk style, appealing to the common people and incorporat ing charismatic preaching, the expression of emo tions and experiencebased interpretations of one's faith (Martin 2002: 10-14;Mantsinen 2014). Radical religiosity, zealous preaching, and inexplicable experi ences, such as speaking in tongues in public, do not always comply with the newlyacquired, middleclass style ideals that many current Finnish Pente costals share. Instead they take their styles from a more moderate, middleclass repertoire.
In my research on the Finnish Pentecostal move ment, which this article is also based on, one of the findings was the impact of a congregational culture on the social class positions of Pentecostal mem bers. The impact is most visible with the socialized members, who have been immersed in the culture and were part of it when they chose the career paths which led to their current social positions. In some cases the adult firstgeneration converts have also experienced social mobility; usually when they found that their new religion and culture were not compat ible with their current occupation or the culture they lived in. However these two groups and their deci sions varied noticeably. (Mantsinen 2014) The findings and analysis in this article are based on my research and fieldwork (2010-13) amongst Finnish Pentecostals, mainly in the Pentecostal Church of Turku. The research consists of system atic observation, interviews and surveys, as well as an archival and literature review. Based on this research I wrote my doctoral dissertation (Mantsinen 2014). The analysis in this article concentrates to a large extent on the qualitative aspects of my research and findings, mainly comprised of observation and interviews. Nevertheless, my surveys will confirm some details. In the future, a quantitative research and analysis would be welcomed, with a comparison between the different congregations and cultures.

The context of the study and the concepts used
The Finnish Pentecostal movement is a one hundred yearold religious movement. With nearly 50,000 baptized and over 100,000 affiliated members it is the largest religious institution or network outside the Lutheran and Orthodox Churches (traditional churches with a special status in the Finnish legal system) in Finland. The Pentecostal Church of Turku has a congregation of over 1,500 baptized members.
Congregations in the movement emphasize inde pendence, but are still closely connected to each other by a shared bible school, various organizations and mass events, including a summer conference. There are local variations among the congregations. They have various cultures and styles according to their size and leadership styles. The smaller congregations may maintain a closed culture, whereas the larger ones tend nowadays to be more pluralistic, moder ate, and middleclass oriented. Also, an authoritative leader in a small congregation can mould his congre gation into a more homogeneous whole (Mantsinen 2014). In this article, I concentrate on what that the larger congregations reveal about the movement.
One of the main findings from my research shows that the majority of Turku's Pentecostal Church mem bers are in middleclass occupations. Furthermore both qualitative and quantitative ana lysis has con firmed that the congregational culture promotes cer tain occupations, styles and cultures, and therefore, a particular socialclass mapping of the church. This became evident when I observed the social mobility of second and subsequent gener ations of Pentecostal members. Regression analysis of my survey of church members showed that one key factor that deter mines upward social mobility was the number of Pentecostals in the family. The more Pentecostals there were in the family, the more evident was the upward mobility into certain favourable occupations and positions, of which many were such typically middleclass positions as doctors and teachers. Of the workingage members, 38 per cent of the converted members and 60 per cent of the socialized members were in middleclass positions. (Mantsinen 2014) The theoretical finding was the fact that this pro cess of finding one's social position can be explained as a process where a rationally selective individual makes decisions in the framework of his or her cul tural boundaries. In order to be able to keep the integrity of his/her religion intact, an individual tends to make decisions that ensure their position in the congregation first and their social position only after that. Certain occupations are questionable mainly because of the culture they are understood to imply or promote. As an individual strives to find a career and a situation in which he/she 'feels right' , the class culture of the various options is crucial. In the best scenario a person will describe his/her position as a vocation, and one that has been indicated to him/ her by God. (Mantsinen 2014) Turku Pentecostal Church, 15.11.2012. Furthermore, the culture offers ways of legitimiz ing certain actions within the Pentecostal member's specific cultural frame; in order to cross the cultural boundaries the member must deploy internal sym bols and discursive rituals. A Pentecostal can best legitimize a questionable choice, occupation, career, or position by using the Bible as a sanctifying object in discursive rituals. Knowing the symbolic universe of one's culture can help an individual to navigate in the world and make culturally acceptable choices with more confidence. (Mantsinen 2014;Rappaport 1999: 50-2, 151-2, 427-37) Pentecostalism is a mode of Christianity that is most famously associated with ecstatic experiences such as speaking in tongues and charismatic preaching and outreach, or evangelization. The way I approach Pentecostalism is to highlight those of its crucial aspects which can explain its dynamics and cross cultural expansion. Pentecostal religiosity is based on a threefold cycle, which consists of an emphasis on discursivity, experience, and millenarian ism. The millenarian beliefs in a new Pentecost, a Kingdom of God and the coming of Christ are ex perienced in various ways and interpreted through these personal experiences. Orally transmitted and interpreted stor ies of revivals and future hope are relatively easy to transmit crossculturally through bodily experiences and an acceptance of local ontology, even as an oppo sitional field in this millenarian world view. In this article, I will not go into the detail of this dynamic, but I will rather concentrate on one experiential aspect of Pentecostalism; namely conversion, and its implications for social class. (Cox 1994, Robbins 2003, Vásquez 2009, Mantsinen 2014 Conversion is a crucial aspect of the Pentecostal religion and its culture. It is the essential act of becoming a Pentecostal. One has to make a per sonal decision, to 'accept Jesus as a personal sav iour' , as the culturallycorrect form has it. In Finnish Pentecostalism radical conversion experiences are still favoured, though not to the extent they used to be. In spite of this, many socialized Pentecostals share an experience of conversion which is very dif ferent; as an easy decision which might be described as simply choosing to follow the same path they have already started on -to continue on with one's culture Pentecostal Summer Conference in Keuruu, Finland, 21.6.2014. of origin and upbringing. Nevertheless, the explicit act of conversion constructs Pentecostal identity; albeit very different forms of identity for converts who come in from the outside, on the one hand, and those from inside the movement on the other. Stories of strong experiences and emotions have a major function in making God more real. Therefore the conversion stor ies are not so much about accounts of actual events, but reconstructions of a social story and a shared experience. (Stromberg 1993: 118-19;Mantsinen 2009;Luhrmann 2012;Mantsinen 2014;Rambo and Farhadian 2014) In this article, I refer to people who convert from the outside as 'converts' and distinguish those who convert on the inside, and have grown up in the move ment, as 'socialized' members. Both groups share a discourse of conversion, but differ in their experi ences and identities. People construct their identi ties through their personal experiences. Furthermore a distinction can be made between social, narrative and personal identities. The more a cultural group has power over an individual, the more social and narra tive identities are emphasized (Markus and Nurius 1986, Partif 2011, Shoemaker 2011). This does not diminish the impact that individual experiences can have for the construction of personal identity. A socialized member in an open culture can construct his/her identity creatively, since he/she has intimate knowledge of its symbolic world and culture both intellectually and actively. This may in turn lead into experiences and feelings of a disjunction between one's individual status and group status.
People's identities are constructed out of their experiences and the process is affected by both inter nal and external schemas. An embodied selfimage is mirrored by the social values, attitudes, and expecta tions the people around one have and are expected to have. Other important external factors include one's parents' religious (or nonreligious) culture and trad itions and the larger societal cultures characteristic of one's social position. If one's personal selfimage and schema is at odds with the contextual social story and culture, the tension might be too great, forcing one to either change or make changes in one's social network -usually by switching from one group to another. (Mischel and Morf 2003, Cross and Gore 2003, Johnson 2007 Up to a certain level class styles and styles of religios ity have a positive correlation -although not an independent relation. Social class is a contested concept, but it is nevertheless a useful term with which to describe the categorization of people in a hierarchical society. Furthermore, it is useful when one analyses inequalities and their causes. Society is the structure where social classes can emerge out of groups of people who have similar life circumstances. Social class positions are locations in the network of people in this society. Class cultures are formed based on similar interests, values, and practices, shared with people in similar positions, through, for example, shared educational experiences. (Bourdieu [1979] 2010, Crompton 2008, Bennett et al. 2009 The difference between the classcultural tastes and styles of, on the one hand the lower and on the other the middleclass positions is, for the purposes of this article, of major importance. The concomitant differences in positions relating to the social hier archy, life experiences, and resources result in dif ferent ways of dealing with one's position, as well as in different attitudes towards life circumstances. It is typical of the middleclass desire to aspire to main tain the balance, and therefore the culture can be described as moderate. Since a certain status has been achieved, the middle classes can concentrate on cul tivating their acquired skills. In the lower classes the lack of resources might lead to more radical attitude, since there is a motivation to improve one's social position and circumstances. People in deprived situ ations and positions, especially, tend to be looking for immediate results from the actions they take. (Weber [1946(Weber [ ] 1991Kraus et al. 2011) Max Weber described the religion of the middle classes as moderate; a style that would preserve the societal balance. The working classes, accord ing to Weber, are driven by a need for change, and they tend to favour charismatic leaders and magic (Weber [1922(Weber [ ] 1964[1946] 1991. The details of Weber's defin ition are called into ques tion by, for example, historical and cultural differ ences. Nevertheless, these needbased styles and motivations do characterize the different class cul tures. That being said, persons with different cultural backgrounds may disapprove of the class culture they currently find themselves in. For example, in my research one workingclass, secondgeneration Pentecostal member shared his sense of a discrep ancy between himself and his work colleagues, as they criticized and badmouthed their superiors -a thing that he as a Pentecostal would never think of doing. The more moderate and typic ally middleclass attitude did not agree with the radical, workingclass attitude. (Mantsinen 2014;Interview 1) There are various styles, and more differences, nuances and connections between class positions and between conversion types, but for the purposes of this article I will concentrate on the impact of the difference between radical and moderate styles. This difference will, in my opinion, determine how the religious group will transform. The concepts 'radical' and 'moderate' require further definition. I will address these concepts as being relative to one another; as being located on a continuum or a scale. 'Radical religiosity' might be taken to imply violent behaviour, to which I am not referring here. Instead, when I use the term I simply refer to a style which differs not ably from the surrounding culture and societal norms, and I use the term 'moderate style' to mean a style which affirms and maintains the cul tural status quo of the environment. Therefore this selection follows somewhat that of the typology of church-sect division. (Cf. Weber [1922Weber [ ] 1964

Results
In my research on Finnish Pentecostalism, I have found that Pentecostal culture promotes certain social positions, of which many are middleclass. Fav oured occupations include doctors, teachers, and various nursing and health care positions (Survey). The occupational cultures and vocational ideals are similar to those discourses I found in my interviews.
I have thought that it [teacher's profession] is a valid Christian occupation, that kids and youths, their wellbeing, is a thing which is in my heart. (Interview 2) The construction of the congregational culture shared, overall, many of the values that middleclass culture entails; for example, sustaining the social balance, and valuing moderation and decent public conduct. The differences between socialized and con verted members of the Pentecostal church was notice able. The socialized members had been influenced by the congregational culture during their upbringing, and therefore were to be found occupying those posi tions that the culture promoted.
The congregational culture is shaped by mul tiple factors, including aspects of Finnish culture and reli gious history predating Pente costalism and these factors combine in constructing a distinct group identity within certain historical settings, incorpor ating converts' and their descendants' positions and styles, a shared and constructed view of religion and its boundaries, and so on. The Finnish mentality and culture promotes a moderate and humble pres ence and presentation of self. This is reflected in the Finnish Pentecostal movement, especially if we com pare it to Pentecostalism around the world. Personal and public conduct is relatively moderate and con trolled in style. In the Finnish setting, Pentecostalism tends towards promoting a type of radicalism that focuses on the inner religious life and the emotional and mental spheres, and not necessarily on public demonstrations of religious faith.
When Pentecostal groups in Finland were new there was a need for a distinct identity, separate from mainline religion. This radical identity competed with the state church and challenged its legitimacy as the template for Christianity (Ruohomäki 2014). In subsequent decades the need to do this has decreased, due to personal experiences and the diminished role of the church in society. Many members are now found in middleclass positions, and the moderate aspect of culture has only become stronger in the Youth meeting in Pentecostal Summer Conference in Keuruu, Finland, 21.6.2014. movement. Furthermore, there has always been an aspect of control in Finnish Pentecostalism, whether it was in relation to dress or behavioural codes, or not allowing the emotions to overshadow teaching. (Mantsinen 2014) In my research, I found out that the congrega tional culture of the Pentecostal Church of Turku promotes certain positions and lifestyles. The ideals of the helping professions (doctors, nurses) and edu cation (teachers) are important, as is being 'civilized' and presenting a 'good example to outsiders' (i.e., con trolling one's behaviour and following general social norms of appropriate behaviour; thus avoiding soci etal radicalism). An occupation that would be helpful, at least potentially, for spreading one's religion and its values, is easier to legitimate and explain as a voca tion, a 'calling' , and a good choice (Mantsinen 2014: 185-210). This type of culture recalls Weber's famous concept of the protestant ethic. It promotes hard and diligent work, but not in the exploitative, capitalist way that Marx criticized. (Cf. Weber [1905Weber [ ] 1965 In the context of moderate Finnish culture and the Pentecostals' Christian moral teachings about decent conduct, the workingclass, uneducated, un organized and sometimes radical image was seen as an opposing culture, from which one should grow into a more Christianlike form conduct and life style, through, supposedly, the help of God. This way of thinking demonstrates the ideal of becoming 'civilized' . This ideal is not so much a direct opposi tion of lowerclass social positions, since they could be included in the repertoire in terms of the idea of suffering, which is also a favoured discourse in Pentecostalism, but it is an ideal of developing lower class members out of their positions and into better persons and Christians.
Simultaneously, as there has been an increase in the numbers of members in middleclass occupa tions, Finnish Pentecostal culture has reflected more and more these moderate styles and positions, rather than societal radicalism and societal change. Even though there has been an increasing interest in social work outside the church, the major objective for a Pentecostal member is still to be oriented towards the 'coming world'; to expedite the coming of Christ and to be prepared for the future.
When I conducted a statistical analysis of the workingage members of the Pentecostal Church of Turku and their answers to questions about social positions, a defining factor was their backgrounds.
The data revealed that there was an important dif ference between the socialized and converted social positions. The socialized members were predomin antly situated in middleclass positions, whereas the positions of the converted members were usually lower and there was more variation within the group. The statistical analysis revealed that the difference did not trace back to their parents' situations. The ori gins were relatively parallel. The explanation was the existence of a Pentecostal background in the family. Furthermore my research confirmed the culture of the Pentecostal congregation as a defining factor. The occupations of socialized members reflected well the values and discourses of the congregation as a whole. (Mantsinen 2014;Survey) Converted members did take into account the socially acceptable values, occupations and positions in their narratives during interviews, but their deci sions had usually been made before conversion. Only if their occupation was in contradiction with the values of the group, did they feel the need for another career. For example, one woman described how she left her job as a waitress, tried and applied for couple of new forms of training and careers before she found her socially acceptable career in the security sector. As she said, 'hauling liquor to people' wasn't a job for a Christian (Interview 3). For those who had made a career decision more compatible with their values, the key question was how to legitimize their posi tions, if they didn't want to change their occupation.
Socialized members had possession of the cul tural resources for legitimizing their decisions in the group more creatively, since they knew the language and culture thoroughly. Converted members relied in many cases on the most visible and wellestab lished symbols and discourses. Therefore, a socially questionable choice was easier to make for a social ized than for a converted member. The availability of resources and means for adjusting their careers in accordance with their social identity imbues the socialized members a different image of self and better selfconfidence with which they may construct their personal identities (see also Bermúdez 2011). An exception to this rule is the case where a well educated convert joins the movement. In the begin ning the language is adopted as mentioned above, but they will adapt to the situation relatively quickly. This exception nevertheless reinforces the trend towards a middleclass, moderate Pentecostalism in the long run. (Mantsinen 2009(Mantsinen , 2014 These two groups were not only separated by the experience of upward social mobility. The difference in conversion experiences and processes was also of great importance. There was a noticeable separation between radical and moderate conversion, which furthermore shaped their religiosity. I had noticed this also in the research I did for my master's thesis. Back then I interviewed a group of young Pentecostal students to find out how they presented their religion and narrated their faith. The one interviewee who was converted from a totally nonPentecostal background spoke of his belief in language which was character ized by an extremely strong Pentecostal vocabulary and phrases which used traditional symbols. Those who had more Pentecostals in their families narrated their religion more creatively, combining different symbols and using richer language. Part of the differ ence was due the educational background, but not in every case. (Mantsinen 2009) For socialized members the Pentecostal religion represents cultural continuity. Therefore their reli gious identity is not so much about having made a choice -although that is a factor -than it is an ex pression of a world view and its stability. They con tinue along the path and engage in the symbolic world they have always known. Although they may present their religion in public discourse in trad itional ways, they distance themselves from this lan guage in private conversations. For example, the indi vidual's moment of conversion is not a single event as it would be in the traditional discourse. Lacking this dramatic event, they construct their identities in terms of a negotiated awareness, not a transcendent revelation. During my research, I have met count less socialized Pentecostals, who share the sense of an absence of a singlemoment or radical conversion. Many of them also have expressed their frustration and almost disgust for the social idealization of con version stories which depict the development of the worst sinner into a perfect saint. They were brought up to be nice and decent children, and they simply lack experience of having led a shameful life, or an imperative to reject the world.
Socialized members do not necessarily under stand radicalism in the workplace, as one of my inter viewees explained. He had been brought up to respect authority, and he had never felt any need to rebel against anybody or anything. Furthermore, the group control would alienate those who weren't will ing to fit in -or at least publicly to appear to fit in -to this image of being 'a nice Christian' . Moreover, as the pastor of the Pentecostal Church of Turku said in interview, the unwillingness to go on strike, or uncertainty as to how to approach labour disputes is a characteristic of Finnish Pentecostals. (Interview 2,Interview 4) From all this follows the fact that they tend to focus their efforts on preserving the status quo already achieved, improving the public profile and perceptions of their religion, placing an emphasis on 'normality' . There is usually no previous life or experiences from outside the Pentecostal cultural sphere. From this it follows that a socialized member has no personal, direct experience of otherness; they can only go on what they've heard in this respect. Therefore the personal identity continues to be one arising from a peaceful continuity, not disruption and separation, or aggressive radicalism. Accordingly, they comply with the moderate culture and reinforce it in their congregations.
For converted members, their religion is a choice, usually a radical choice if Pentecostalism is a minor ity culture. Therefore it follows that they are keen to differentiate themselves from past cultures and life styles, and emphasize the uniqueness of their world view. Their conversion is a process where the rad ical identity is not constructed only by the moment of decision, but also of the whole identitymaking pro cess, where this new identity is seen and constructed as radically different and sacred in contrast with a previous, profane lifestyle and cultural engagement. Also in contrast with the socialized member's experi ence, the conversion experience for outsiders is more characteristic of workingclass culture. (See also Beit Hallami and Argyle 1997: 114-38) Since socialized members lack the experience of a dramatic conversion and all that it implies with regard to a Pentecostal selfidentity, they tend to rationalize their religion at the cognitive level, quite distinctively. By this I mean that they deem moderate styles and consciously determined rationales to be more rational, or sensible, than radical, emotional and impulsive styles and rationales. For my socialized interviewees the former aspects are closer to their own experience of their identity and religion than the latter.
The way in which socialized members in the Finnish Pentecostal movement tend to construct their identities and present their religion produces styles and choices very much in accordance with typically middleclass values. This is especially evident when it comes to preserving one's social position. From this perspective, the former uneducated styles and forms of doing religion in the movement are seen as dis tasteful and are rejected. As a result the more orderly ways are seen as being sophisticated in the group, and the uncontrolled way inferior (see also Lawler 2005). In this way, socialized members of the Finnish Pentecostal movement construct a shared taste and culture, which opposes radical workingclass culture and styles, and sees new converts, especi ally from the lower classes, as something to be civilized, making them more 'like us' , good Pentecostal Christians. A socialized member prefers order over chaos in char ismatic experiences and preaching styles, favours individual connections with god over group exalt ation and individual diligence over purposeless per formance. In many cases they lack the motivation and desire to pursue the highest positions of power, but aim for the positions of least resistance -in the middle.
Different conversion processes and personal his tories divide these two groups in another respect also; namely when it comes to the process of becom ing, and feeling, included in the group culture. For a socialized member the culture is already familiar. When the congregational culture is becoming more and more moderate, the moderate conversion pre serves this objective. The situation in a radical conver sion is very different. For lowerclass converts it takes more time to adjust to the moderate culture than for middleclass converts. Even when the convert is from the middle class, his/her conversion experience does not help in this process. She or he might adjust to the culture better and faster, but there is still a sense of a mismatch in the beginning. As there are fewer converts now in the movement than previously, the socialized have the advantage not only of applying, but of changing the culture.
Thus, division between radical and moderate experiences has brought about a disjuncture in the culture of the movement. Moderation in the move ment can be traced at least to two kinds of experi ences. The first of these is that of a secularization of the surrounding society, which has brought the movement and the state church closer together, as they share the same enemy. Since the social tension has gone, or is substantially diminished, the support for radical religiosity has decreased. The second kind of experience is that of conversion without external tensions: the conversion experiences of socialized members, who do not share radical, dichotomous tensions between a 'previous life' and 'new life' , and between 'institutionalized religion' and 'living faith' that the converts from the outside often have.
For the convert coming into the religion from the outside, the moment of decision and the adoption of a transformed personal identity is a focus for taking control of one's life circumstances. The new iden tity is consciously chosen and therefore it has to be defended (see also Davies 2011: 223-4). By sustain ing a certain tension between their previous and cur rent lifestyle and world view, a converted Pentecostal member relives the decisive moment and the adop tion of the focal point of identity, making it emotion ally closer and stronger.
The convert faces this dichotomous pattern many times in the process of constructing their personal and group identity, as well as in legitimizing their place in the religious group. Usually the convert tries to emphasize the traditional and sometimes stereo typical symbols and phrases, in order to establish their right to a place in the group. This process is crucial especially at the beginning of an individual's Pentecostal life, and is part of the learning curve involved in becoming proficient as a Pentecostal. Knowing the cultural world (its vocabulary and systems of thought and action) helps an individual to balance his/her religious identity with personal desires.
Since there is a lack of such a radical break from the outside world for the socialized member, the inner and innate attributes of personality are accentuated in identity formation. In public a socialized member may repeat the social story, but otherwise he/she reflects on his/her own experiences and adjusts his/ her personal identity story in that way. If personal experiences and the social story are irreconcilable, the resulting tension might lead to alienation from the group, unless there are enough compensating fac tors to balance the situation, such as peersupport.
For many socialized members in the movement the imperative quality of their religion -the immi nent second coming of the Christ -has been diffi cult to accept. Childhood memories and stories of the end -social experiences and stories -were not in accord with their personal experiences of their faith and identity. For many socialized members this has resulted in a dismissal of eschatological ideas. As members of these generations have constructed their identities, a different kind of interpretation or expec tation of the end has ensued: the end is not expected to be immediate, or at least that is not the greatest concern. Thus socialized members have imposed middleclass values, by sustaining both psychological and social balance, and rejecting radical, unexpected change. (Mantsinen forthcoming 2) In my analysis of the transformation of the Finnish Pentecostal movement and the change occur ring across the different generations, these inter generational factors and varieties of experience have become a key explanation. Individual and gener ational experiences have transformed the movement to a large extent. Along with the conversion experi ence and the forms of religious identity it constructs, two distinctive styles of Finnish Pentecostalism have emerged as a result. This explains why change has been so hard to accept for some. In the move ment two extreme groups have arisen, which can be labelled as organizational and charismatic, or moder ate and radical groups. The fact of this division has been demonstrated by the founding of a stateregis tered Pentecostal Church and an oppositional associ ation. These groups are distinguished as described here -by differences in conversion and generational experiences. (Mantsinen forthcoming) The evolution of the movement has been possible largely because of three simultaneous historic al devel opments which occurred back in 1950s. Following the war, religious revivalism was strong and many con verted to Pentecostalism. These converts had plenty of children -the big cohorts, or babyboomers. These children benefitted from the societal developments that facilitated free education for all in the welfare society. The resulting moderate experiences and iden tity formations became the transforming force of the movement as these cohorts grew up and gained pow erful positions in the movement. Once the growth of the movement stalled in 1980s, new converts became the minority. Therefore the moderate experiences and styles have had the opportunity to become a formative factor and the defining feature of the movement.
One key factor in its evolution has been that the Finnish Pentecostal movement has been able to attract enough educated socialized members to maintain more or less active congregations. Since there has been a large basis -made up of the baby boomers -of upward mobility and moderate styles, there has been a sufficiency of peer support for social ized members. When people have a big crowd around them who share the same experiences and styles, they are more likely to stay within the group. Therefore the ideas put forward by Sherkat (1991) and Sherkat and Wilson (1995) apply also in the case of the Finnish Pentecostal movement.
Wall text 'Jesus will come to gather his own' in a more traditional Pentecostal Church, 7.2.2013.
This development of the movement has not been without problems. The older and first gener ation Pentecostals might see the moderate styles as 'worldly' , and the socialized members might see the radical styles as oldfashioned -leaving both sides unsatisfied (Mantsinen forthcoming). As the move ment has evolved from being charismaticled to being bureaucracyled and more complex, the educated middleclass caucus have been able to promote the styles they prefer. This has led to the converted mem bers feeling that there is a discrepancy between their experiences and personal identities and the devel oping social identity of the movement as a whole. It remains to be seen if the movement and congrega tions can achieve a balance between these two styles, and where this might lead.
The notion of moderation is nevertheless a rela tive concept. Since the ecstatic experiences of 'being baptized in the Spirit' and glossolalia -speak ing in unknown tongues -have been pivotal for Pentecostal identity in the history of the movement, the lack of and even dismissal of these experi ences could be seen as nonPentecostal inside the move ment. This has been demonstrated in different Pentecostal movements around the world (Poloma and Green 2010: 61-78). In the case of the Finnish Pentecostal movement, this kind of identity tension still exists at some level -at least in public discourse. Nevertheless, because the moderate, middleclass style Pentecostalism, influenced by Finnish culture, is the shared experience of a large crowd of social ized members, both the personal and social identities of being Pentecostal have changed to a large extent. Many inexplicable experiences are removed from the public to the private sphere. The need for a 'reason able' and 'sensible' religion battles with the emotional and ecstatic experiences which are historically char acteristic of the Pentecostal tradition.

Conclusions
In this article, I have described and analysed the different experiences and styles of religiosity of, on the one hand socialized and on the other, converted Pentecostal members, and how this difference has transformed the Finnish Pentecostal movement. The nature of their various conversion and identitymak ing experiences through this process have resulted in very different outcomes. The subtle experience of conversion, or group inclusion, of socialized mem bers is closely linked to a move away from radical ism to moderation in the Pentecostal movement. In this light the radical conversion of outsiders, which in the past was a definitive feature of the movement, has become something to be controlled, or a matter of shame.
The conversion experience and the need to prove one's faith can be important in explaining how an individual finds their social position. The culture of an individual and their primary cultural group sets the boundaries according to which one may choose and legitimize one's affiliations, position and status. People do differ in the sense of the opportunities available to them to move in relation to these bound aries, based on their conversion experience and the extent of their cultural knowledge and involvement. There are other factors to be considered as well, such as previous history and what are the existing resources and modes of capital, but these cannot explain away the effect of conversion and group inclusion completely. Conversion experiences are shaped by different histories and backgrounds, as well as social positions. Furthermore they also shape the identity of a believer and therefore shape the psychological boundaries within which an individual feels comfortable to move. This is also seen in the difference between the social positions and class cultures that individuals are willing to identify themselves with. Even though both could end up in same occupations and positions, the process seems easier for the socialized members, since they have internalized the culture and do not continuously have to prove that they belong to the group. The conversion experience, socialization into the group, and class styles all reinforce the styles and decisions of Pentecostal members. From this mixture of different styles and approaches to life, a congrega tion acquires its momentum to transform or reinvent itself.
Since the movement acquires its members now a days more from the socialized group, who follow the movement's 'civilizing' teachings and values, and accordingly are finding middleclass occupations, it is the moderate religiosity that prevails. There are many factors benefitting this outcome of moderation over radicalism, but according to my research results, the conversion experience is a very important factor. The lack of a need to differentiate and distance one self from a previous life and 'the world' can result in transforming a sect into a denomination. Therefore it is important to notice and study fur ther the differences between the various experiences, and the constructions of identity that are effected in relation to them. In this article, I have demonstrated the importance of the difference between socialized and converted members and their experiences. A closer look at their situations can reveal how reli gious groups, in terms of their social structures and styles, have changed. Not only the older generations, but also many new converts from outside the move ment share radical experiences and attitudes towards a 'previous' life and the 'world' outside the group. The educated members who are now in positions of power are socialized members, and they share much more moderate experiences and attitudes than the previous generations. Their moderation is partly a consequence of their education, but at the same time their education and career choices are influenced by their religious upbringing and moderate experiences.
This intertwining dynamic can explain in large part how the Finnish Pentecostal movement has changed from being a radical sect and moved closer to the Lutheran Church and society, to become a moderate and established religious denomination. As members of the new generations construct their identities out of moderate experiences and an idea of cultural continuity -not of disruption -at the same time they enforce middleclass values and styles, characterized by moderation and stability.  Teemu T. Mantsinen (PhD) is a post-doctoral researcher in Comparative Religion at the University of Turku, Finland. His doctoral dissertation (2014) focused on social class and Pentecostalism. His research interests include Pentecostalism, culture, rational choice and religion, cultural transformation and transmission and religious language and discourses.