https://journal.fi/politiikka/issue/feed Politiikka-lehti 2018-12-21T14:35:07+02:00 Mikko Lahtinen mikko.lahtinen@tuni.fi Open Journal Systems <p>Valtiotieteellinen yhdistys julkaisee Politiikka-nimistä tieteellistä aikakauskirjaa, joka ilmestyy neljä kertaa vuodessa. Lehdessä julkaistaan artikkeleita, katsauksia, keskustelupuheenvuoroja ja kirja-arvosteluita politiikan tutkimuksen alalta. Politiikka on referee-julkaisu eli kaikki lehdelle esitetyt artikkelit arvioidaan ennen niiden julkaisemista.</p> <p>Politiikka-lehden toimitus vaihtelee kahden vuoden jaksoissa eri valtio-opin laitosten välillä. Vuosina 2019-2020 lehden toimitus on Tampereen yliopistossa.</p> <p>Vuodesta 2019 eteenpäin Politiikka-lehti julkaistaan välittömästi avoimena verkkojulkaisuna journal.fi-palvelussa. Lehden aikaisempien vuosikertojen irtonumeroita myy Akateeminen Kirjakauppa ja Gaudeamuksen Kirja&amp;Kahvila Kaisa-kirjastossa. Lehden artikkelit ovat myös sähköisesti saatavilla yliopistokirjastojen <a href="http://www.lib.helsinki.fi/elektra/">ELEKTRA-julkaisupalvelun kautta</a>.</p> https://journal.fi/politiikka/article/view/77334 Johdanto symposiumiin: Empatia, hyvinvointi ja yhteiset asiat 2018-12-19T09:39:36+02:00 Sakari Kainulainen sakari.kainulainen@diak.fi <p>xx</p> 2018-12-19T09:32:44+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## https://journal.fi/politiikka/article/view/77399 Empatian politiikka 2018-12-21T14:35:07+02:00 Hanna Wass hanna.wass@helsinki.fi Jenni Rinne jenni.rinne@helsinki.fi <p>xx</p> 2018-12-19T00:00:00+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## https://journal.fi/politiikka/article/view/77335 Samassa veneessä: empatiakuilujen poliittinen ulottuvuus Suomessa 2018-12-19T09:39:36+02:00 Sakari Kainulainen sakari.kainulainen@diak.fi Juho Saari juho.saari@uta.fi <p>In the same boat? Empathy gaps in Finnish politics</p> <p>Until today, Finns have wanted to think that they are figuratively in the same boat. In particular,<br>this phrase is used by politicians, creating the impression that everyone is treated in the same way<br>and everyone is taken care of. This article looks into this rhetoric and analyzes how the voters of<br>different parties care about the well-being of different population groups. In other words, we are<br>interested in empathy gaps within the Finnish population. The research data consists of two representative<br>surveys from 2016 and 2018 collected by research project Tackling Inequalities in Time of<br>Austerity (TITA) (N = 4933). The so called honorable poor cause most empathy among the respondents.<br>By contrast, least empathy is caused by groups that are somehow seen as guilty of their own<br>situation. The voters of Left Alliance as well as Greens are the most empathetic to most of the<br>population groups, whereas the voters of Finns Party are the least empathetic. However, statistical<br>differences between supporters of differents parties are relatively small.</p> 2018-12-19T09:31:56+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## https://journal.fi/politiikka/article/view/77333 Politiikka valtion jälkeen: Carl Schmitt, Eurooppa ja uusi pluralismi 2018-12-19T09:39:36+02:00 Ville Suuronen ville.a.suuronen@gmail.com <p>Politics after the state: Carl Schmitt, Europe and a new pluralism</p> <p>This paper examines the downfall of the state as the traditional political concept during the twentieth-<br>century by delivering a critical analysis of the writings of the German political theorist and<br>lawyer Carl Schmitt. I argue that Schmitt can be interpreted as a thinker of international relations<br>who develops an original vision of a global political order beyond the Westphalian model. The aim<br>of this article is to show that Schmitt is one of the founding fathers of contemporary Pan-European<br>nationalism and a thinker who envisions a politically unified Europe as one of the potential rising<br>superpowers already early in the twentieth-century. Dividing Schmitt’s oeuvre into four different<br>periods, I examine how his thinking develops and how his writings respond to different political<br>crises and situations, beginning from the Weimar period all the way into the 1970s. To conclude, I<br>explore the actuality of Schmitt’s ideas from today’s perspective, arguing that while we must be<br>deeply critical of Schmitt’s works, he nevertheless remains a timely thinker who recognizes that<br>politics must be more than economics. Schmitt reminds us of the fundamental importance and<br>constitutive role of ideas to the field of politics.</p> 2018-12-19T09:33:51+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## https://journal.fi/politiikka/article/view/77332 Vaikutusperiaate ja demokratia 2018-12-19T09:39:37+02:00 Eerik Lagerspetz eerlag@utu.fi <div class="page" title="Page 7"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <div class="page" title="Page 7"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p><span style="font-size: 9.000000pt; font-family: 'Syntax';">The All-Affected Principle and democracy </span></p> </div> </div> </div> <p><span style="font-size: 8.000000pt; font-family: 'Syntax';">The All-Affected Principle has an important status in recent theoretical discussions on democracy. According to the principle, all who are affected by a decision should have a right to participate into making it. The principle is supposed to ground the right or optimal boundaries of democratic deci- sion-making units. This paper is basically a critique of the principle. In the first parts of the paper, the All-Affected Principle is distinguished from some related principles. However, even a more precise version of the principle is still troubled by ambiguities. It is argued that Robert Goodin’s expansive reading is the only coherent one. However, if it is accepted, the principle cannot be used for its original purpose. The last parts focus on some largely unexamined aspects of the principle. First, the principle also works as a means of exclusion, not only of inclusion. Second, if, as the principle says, participation rights are based on interests, it is by no means obvious that these rights should be equal. Third, the principle cannot provide us with a non-institutional starting point. Nevertheless, a much weaker form of the principle may be plausible. </span></p> </div> </div> </div> 2018-12-19T09:35:13+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## https://journal.fi/politiikka/article/view/77337 Koti jokaiselle, pähkinä poliitikoille 2018-12-19T09:39:36+02:00 Maria Ohisalo maria.ohisalo@ysaatio.fi <p>xx</p> 2018-12-19T09:29:47+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## https://journal.fi/politiikka/article/view/77336 Tarvitaanko politiikassa empatiaa? 2018-12-19T09:39:36+02:00 Kaisa Herne kaisa.herne@uta.fi <p>xx</p> 2018-12-19T09:30:52+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## https://journal.fi/politiikka/article/view/77340 Anna Kontula, Eduskunta – Ystäviä ja vihamiehiä 2018-12-19T09:39:36+02:00 Vesa Koskimaa vesa.koskimaa@abo.fi <p>xx</p> 2018-12-19T09:25:04+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## https://journal.fi/politiikka/article/view/77339 Mari K. Niemi ja Topi Houni (toim.), Media & populismi – työkaluja kriittiseen journalismiin 2018-12-19T09:39:36+02:00 Hanna Tuominen hanna.t.tuominen@utu.fi <p>xx</p> 2018-12-19T09:26:49+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## https://journal.fi/politiikka/article/view/77338 Mikko Mattila, Lauri Rapeli, Hanna Wass ja Peter Söderlund, Health and political engagement. 2018-12-19T09:39:37+02:00 Mikko Niemelä miarni@utu.fi <p>xx</p> 2018-12-19T09:27:55+02:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement##