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Butters) (Antti-Jussi Nygård) Fri, 20 Nov 2020 14:08:30 +0200 OJS 60 Introduction <p>Introduction to "The semantics of verbal morphology in under-described languages"</p> Malin Petzell, Leora Bar-el, Lotta Aunio Copyright (c) 2020 Studia Orientalia Electronica Fri, 20 Nov 2020 00:00:00 +0200 Actionality, Aspect, Tense, and Counterfactuality in Kuban Kabardian <p>This paper presents the fieldwork data on the interaction of actionality, aspect, and tense in counterfactual conditional clauses of the Kuban dialect of Kabardian, a polysynthetic Northwest Caucasian language. Kabardian shows non-trivial similarities to Romance languages in its use of the Imperfective Past suffix as a marker of counterfactuality — alone or as a part of the complex marker of the Pluperfect marker where the Imperfect attaches to the Preterite (perfective past). I show that the choice between several types of marking in counterfactual protases (the plain Imperfect, the Pluperfect, and the simple Preterite) primarily depends on actional class and viewpoint aspect: perfective counterfactuals employ either the Pluperfect or the Preterite, while imperfective counterfactuals require the Imperfect, which is in line with the more general distribution of these tense-aspect forms. Theoretical implications of the tense-aspect marking in Kuban Kabardian counterfactual conditionals are also briefly discussed.</p> Peter M. Arkadiev Copyright (c) 2020 Studia Orientalia Electronica Fri, 20 Nov 2020 00:00:00 +0200 On the “Atypical” Imperative Verb Form in Manda <p>This paper accounts for the atypical Imperative verb form found in Manda, a Bantu language spoken along the shores of Lake Nyasa in southern Tanzania. Unlike the vast majority of Bantu languages, Manda lacks a reflex of the so called “morphologically specialized” imperative. Instead, Imperatives (as well as other directives) are expressed with the suffixation of a marker of the form -<em>ayi</em>. Based on the form-meaning variation found both language-internally and in comparative data, this study reconstructs the functional and formal pathways of change leading to the highly unusual situation encountered in today’s Manda. The study shows that the Manda Imperative originates from a construction consisting of a reflex of the pre-final morpheme *-<em>a</em>(<em>n</em>)<em>g</em>-, an imperfective marker originally recruited into the directive domain to add pragmatic overtones of emphasis. However, at some point in time the meaning of this erstwhile emphatic construction became neutralized and conventionalized as the regular imperative, while the marker itself became decategorialized and morphophonologically opaque.</p> Rasmus Bernander Copyright (c) 2020 Studia Orientalia Electronica Fri, 20 Nov 2020 00:00:00 +0200 Constituency, Imbrication, and the Interpretation of Change-of-State Verbs in isiNdebele <p>This paper describes the interplay of lexical and grammatical aspect with other grammatical phenomena in the interpretation of the aspectual suffix ‑<em>ile </em>(which we analyse as Perfective) in isiNdebele, a Nguni Bantu language spoken in South Africa. Crucial other phenomena include constituency-related factors such as the conjoint-disjoint distinction and (related) penultimate lengthening, along with morphophonological conditions that trigger different forms of ‑<em>ile</em>. These factors appear to interact differently in isiNdebele than they do in closely related Zulu, suggesting two different paths of grammaticalization, which we argue can change the interpretation of markers of grammatical aspect as they interact with lexical aspectual classes.</p> Thera Crane, Axel Fanego Copyright (c) 2020 Studia Orientalia Electronica Fri, 20 Nov 2020 00:00:00 +0200 A Discourse Analysis of Three Past TAM Forms in Vwanji <p>This paper presents data from Vwanji, an under-documented Bantu language spoken by approximately 28,000 people in southwestern Tanzania. Bantu languages are well known for having multiple degrees of past time reference grammaticalized in their TAM systems, and Vwanji is a good example of such a language, but one with some interesting typological differences from certain general TAM trends in Bantu languages noted in Nurse (2008). Three past TAM forms, in particular, are the focus of the research: P<sub>1</sub> /Anterior SM-VB-<em>ile</em>, P<sub>2</sub> SM-<em>a</em>-VB-<em>a</em>, and the Near Past Habitual SM-<em>a</em>-VB-<em>aɣa</em>. The analysis of data from a corpus of narrative and non-narrative texts (both written and oral) reveals that these three TAM forms have multiple discourse functions which do not necessarily follow in expected ways from their places in the TAM system as a whole. Comparing the Vwanji findings with those of neighbouring languages suggests some possible directions in which the verb forms in Vwanji may be changing functionally or being lost. The goal of this investigation is to increase understanding of a typologically interesting language which has not been well described and for which there is very little published data. The paper also shows the importance of taking natural discourse data into account when considering TAM functions in a language. Relying on elicited data alone may hide interesting complexities and variation.</p> Helen Eaton Copyright (c) 2020 Studia Orientalia Electronica Fri, 20 Nov 2020 00:00:00 +0200 Evidential Strategies in Nyamwezi <p>This paper provides an overview of evidential strategies in Nyamwezi. Nyamwezi, like many other African languages, does not have specific grammatical categories which indicate evidentiality, but evidentiality can be expressed (i) through tense and aspect constructions and (ii) through lexical verbs (particularly verbs of saying and verbs of perception) and epistemic expressions. These evidential strategies differ from each other based on the information source, that is, on the source of knowledge expressed in a proposition, and on the speaker’s attitude and view concerning that knowledge.</p> Ponsiano Sawaka Kanijo Copyright (c) 2020 Studia Orientalia Electronica Fri, 20 Nov 2020 00:00:00 +0200 The Subjunctive Mood in Giryama and Tanzanian Nyanja <p>This paper presents a study of the Subjunctive in the Bantu languages of Giryama in Kenya (E72a) and Nyanja in Tanzania (N201), and explores its distribution in the two languages. As in other Bantu languages, the Subjunctive is a morphological feature characterized by a verbal suffix -<em>e</em>, an obligatory subject marker, and the absence of tense. Syntactically, the Subjunctive appears in independent clauses, as well as dependent clauses with a certain class of predicates and adverbial subordinators. Independent clauses that may carry the Subjunctive are those that express exhortations or suggestions, and sentences marked with the future tense. Dependent clauses with Subjunctive verbs include: (a) complement clauses containing directive, volitional, and causative verbs, and (b) adverbial clauses such as clauses of purpose. Studies of the subjunctive have often associated its semantic distribution with irrealis, in contrast with the Indicative, which is associated with realis or assertion. We present evidence showing that the irrealis reading may sometimes appear to be absent. We argue that irrealis may not be a necessary and sufficient condition for the Subjunctive. However, the onstructions that give irrealis readings provide the best exemplars of Subjunctives in these two languages. Independent clause Subjunctives are shown to be clearly non-factive. Matrix verbs that take subjunctive complements are described as presupposition triggers of events that are non-factive relative to the matrix event.</p> Nancy Jumwa Ngowa, Deo S. Ngonyani Copyright (c) 2020 Studia Orientalia Electronica Fri, 20 Nov 2020 00:00:00 +0200 An Analysis of the Verbal Marker tsa in Luguru <p>This paper deals with a morphosyntactic phenomenon found in the under-described Bantu language Luguru, spoken in central Tanzania: the verbal marker tsa. This marker encodes shared knowledge or shared reference. The meanings conveyed by the marker stretch from ‘at a specific time’ or ‘at that place’ to ‘as we know’, or even ‘for that reason’. In Mkude’s grammatical description of Luguru from 1974, there is a mention of a marker (<em>zaa</em>) signalling what he calls “recollected reference”, which restricts the event to one specific moment in the past; this marker is believed to have developed into today’s <em>tsa</em>.</p> Malin Petzell Copyright (c) 2020 Studia Orientalia Electronica Fri, 20 Nov 2020 00:00:00 +0200