Lähtökielen sanansisäisten soinnittomien klusiilien edustus kantasuomen balttilaislainoissa
Osa I. Edustus kohdekielen lyhyen vokaalin jäljessä
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.33340/susa.70223Abstrakti
In this article I intend to outline the rules determining when the word-internal Baltic tenuis consonants k, t and p appear as the single stops k, t, p and when they appear as the geminates kk, tt, pp in old Baltic loanwords in proto-Finnic. I will critically assess the Baltic loan etymologies which contain tenuis consonants, at which point the Baltic origins of the Finnish words kukkura, lapa, mytyri and patistaa will be rejected and the suggested loan etymologies of the Finnish words hako, latu, mättää and äes as well as Est. matta and uba will be shown to be uncertain. Words of certain Baltic origin include Fin. ativo, kypärä, kavuta, ketara, lapio, nepaa, rainta, ratas, toe, vakka and ätelä, and those of probable Baltic origin include Fin. huttu, kääppä, makka(ra), mäkärä, oas, as well as Est. hakata and SEst. nakadaq. In addition to these, I will present completely new Baltic loan etymologies for the Finnish words kukka- ~ kukku- and lappa. In all certain and probable loanwords, Baltic tenuis consonants are found as geminates in disyllabic nominal stems and as single stops in trisyllabic nominal stems. This substitution rule may be the result of the overall impression that the target-language speakers get of the duration of the source-language words. When a Baltic verb was borrowed, a proto-Finnic verbal affix was added to the borrowed stem, so that further ways of substituting the duration of the word form were not needed.
